The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was considered among the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. Although many vice-presidents were limited to marginal or figurehead functions, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, consistently referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney found the easygoing president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a faction of neo-conservatives that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any unresponsive airplanes approaching the government building.
Cheney claimed the assaults changed him, leading him to become determined on retaliation. Along with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It proved to be the right thing to do back then. I was convinced back then and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and irresponsibility: at worst, lying, unfitness, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memorandum detailing scenarios in which US concerns might be threatened (including "availability of essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be positioned to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," specifically citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of lowering America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a plot to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his father's visage that everyone had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind invading Iraq, consistently quoting information documents that were whether thin or totally misleading. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of simulated drowning and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by opponents such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen emerge from his lair? This represents a nice way to work, truthfully."
Business Interests
Debate over his corporate affiliations followed him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in corporate affairs but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy corporations, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the White House. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US contracts worth substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his period at the corporation rose from his $258,394 while Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
